據我所知,第82空降師的指揮官已經告訴喀布爾機場的英國特種部隊指揮官,停止在機場周邊的行動。
Christopher Donahue少將已經告訴他的英軍同行,即英軍第22特種空勤團的一名高級野戰軍官,在沒有類似美軍行動的情況下,英軍的行動令美軍感到尷尬。據我所知,這位英國軍官堅決拒絕了這個請求。
美國和英國在喀布爾的指揮小組之間這種罕見的緊張表現反映了三個因素。
首先,它顯示了在恐怖主義威脅日益嚴重的情況下試圖解救數千名人員的明顯壓力。哈卡尼網路、阿富汗伊斯蘭國以及可能的基地組織的成員現在都在喀布爾機場附近活動,與塔利班有一定程度的指揮分離。
此外,英國軍隊在喀布爾擁有比美國軍隊更多的行動自由,包括在機場的海豹部隊。據我所知,SAS已經開展行動,將美國公民以及英國公民和有風險的人員通過檢查站並帶到機場。這並不是對美國能力或特別行動意圖的控訴,而是對政治軍事當局的一種反映。在某種程度上,這種差異是可以理解的。如果沒有塔利班的事先批準,美國在喀布爾機場周邊的大規模軍事行動將帶來巨大風險。但是,有一種感覺,至少是盟友的感覺,美國軍方可以做得更多,以撬動塔利班,讓那些最危險的人更容易進入機場。
國務院、五角大樓和白宮之間的官僚鬥爭也擾亂了從喀布爾疏散的行動。這使英國、法國和其他駐喀布爾的軍事當局感到不安。據我所知,由於白宮和五角大樓未能就其意圖和行動進行充分的溝通,或者在某些情況下根本沒有溝通,這些政府的情況進一步惡化。然而,所有這些盟國都承認,只有美國軍隊能夠提供現在展示的機場防禦和空中交通管制能力。
盡管如此,正如我在周三指出的,拜登政府對阿富汗撤軍的行為已經引起了盟國對政府的可信度和信心的深切擔憂。在匿名的情況下,盟國官員周五向我再次強調了這種擔憂。
I understand that the commanding general of the 82nd Airborne Division has told the commander of the British special forces at the Kabul airport to cease operations beyond the airport perimeter.
Maj. Gen. Christopher Donahue has told his British Army counterpart, a high-ranking field-grade officer of the British army's 22nd Special Air Service Regiment, that British operations were embarrassing the United States military in the absence of similar U.S. military operations. I understand that the British officer firmly rejected the request.
This show of rare tension between the U.S. and British command groups in Kabul reflects three factors.
First, it shows the obvious stress of attempting to extricate thousands of personnel under a situation of increasing terrorist threat. Elements of the Haqqani network, the Islamic State in Afghanistan, and possibly al Qaeda are now operating in proximity to Kabul airport with some degree of command separation from the Taliban.
In addition, the British military has more operational latitude in Kabul than the U.S. military, including the Navy SEAL elements present at the airport. I understand that the SAS has conducted operations to bring American citizens, as well as British citizens and at-risk personnel, through checkpoints and to the airport. This is not an indictment on U.S. capabilities or special operations intent, but rather, it's a reflection of political-military authorities. In part, this difference is understandable. Large-scale U.S. military operations beyond the Kabul airport perimeter would entail significant risk absent prior Taliban approval. But there is a sense, at least by allies, that the U.S. military could be doing more to leverage the Taliban into providing greater ease of access to the airport for those most at risk.
A bureaucratic tug of war between the State Department, Pentagon, and White House is also disrupting evacuation operations out of Kabul. This is aggravating British, French, and other Kabul-present military authorities. I understand that these governments have been further aggravated by the failure of the White House and Pentagon to communicate adequately, or in some cases, to communicate at all, on their intentions and actions. All these allies admit, however, that only the U.S. military could provide the airfield defense and air traffic control capabilities now on display.
Still, as I noted on Wednesday, the Biden administration's conduct of the Afghanistan withdrawal has raised deep concerns by allies as to the administration's credibility and confidence. Speaking on the condition of anonymity, allied officials reemphasized this concern to me on Friday.
https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/opinion/us-general-tells-british-special-forces-stop-rescuing-people-in-kabul-youre-making-us-look-bad?_amp=true&__twitter_impression=true