[英文版出爐!!]搞左呢份野等三萬黑警都要接受國際審判 [3]

廢話唔多講。我地由一班專業人士組成、所撰寫既２７０頁既中文警隊涉嫌濫權報告，
我相信之前大家係唔同地方都已經睇過。感謝係兩小時下推爆並有１５０００正評
（如果未睇過，建議你快Ｄ跟下面既ＬＩＮＫ去睇）

收到好多朋友都問：有無英文版。依家英文版係眾人嘔心瀝血下，
終於出爐，我印象中記得大家話會幫手推向全世界，係機會喇飛雲。

今次既英文版除左經過若干修訂，我地仲進一步將一Ｄ比較重要既證據更新到十月初。
並且新增埋網頁版，連埋ＧＯＯＧＬＥ　ＤＯＣ版，一齊發送到全世界。

希望大家可以幫手，集中推爆個ＰＯＳＴ！！！

——網頁版——
認住呢個網址：http://hkpfreport.org


——本文下載——
主報告 Main report and Appendix 2
https://docs.google.com/document/d/19Nl3_RPi5yfG-nzTjdF-WEt2mawtLZS9MwkVQhbCCS4/edit#

證據 Appendix 1: Evidence
June 10 - July 28 (Google Doc)
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1X5E_IsxMXEQSEyZYwRUtuBI0aaNChUyVzw6sKP94lxU/edit

August 2 - August 10 (Google Doc)
https://docs.google.com/document/d/17YEyF4w-JXfTdvQJgOjKVYoSgUJut_MWiqvLq8Vm2tk/edit

August 11 - October 2 (Google Doc)
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1GxjwkZmDa_kxC227BN7GLJaukkt6yOj-0HN3QnT5wgA/edit

——追舊 ＰＯＳＴ——
第一個 Post
https://lihkg.com/thread/1617815/page/1
第二個 Post
https://lihkg.com/thread/1618140/page/1

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——中文版連結，連舊ＰＯＳＴ貼多次——

承上 post 感激大家努力推爆左 5000

https://lihkg.com/thread/1617815/page/1
大家努力繼續推呀

[重Post] 話說我地花左兩個月時間, 睇左過百條片, 終於
我地製作左文宣核彈, 係 270 頁黑警濫權獨立調查報告


但係咁岩撞正連登熄登,
無咩人推, 幾日過千正評都無
我好灰, 但我唔會放棄

唯有硬著頭皮, 開新 Post 推多次
同法律港女一樣, 我地會做實事,
[size=6]依家搞緊英文翻譯, 然後就會製作文宣, 推向國際, 推向全世界
到時係聯合國好, 海牙好, 紐倫堡好, 美國國會, 英國國會, 歐盟
全部都係我地射程範圍
但係真係要大家廣傳, 所以希望大家真係唔好俾呢個POST 沉
好多人睇到唔訓覺, 工都辭埋, 甚至要抑鬱睇精神科
大家都係想香港贏, 香港人贏, 所以唔該唔好等我地心血白費

中文版本—公眾試閱版—正文
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1N1rzVWFW0EnJugLGNkYu7A-9-KigPWn4fVEGVDve79k/edit
警隊涉嫌濫權資料（六／七月）
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1RMY12ApIxNTaOudzjvYXzq6Vc0iE99zJJ2M8t0uOKYI/edit
警隊涉嫌濫權資料（至八月十日）
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1TKPNvv_YqRKF8Y2wRi28J89-VTMIsfNAiFsuXX4g1r8/edit

同埋！！！極重要
英文版好快就會係連登／ＴＷＩＴＴＥＲ／ＦＢ流出！！！

原來自己一個推會推唔起個ＰＯＳＴ，所以只能夠靠大家
拜託大家

有野想捐可以FB搵我地香港自由之書阿

係呀,我知我地講近廢話,但前線的確需要支援
https://lihkg.com/thread/1655137/page/1

FB: 國難五金, 香港自由之書

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Editors’ Foreword

When work to compile this report began in July, Hong Kong had just witnessed a horrific terrorist attack. An organized gang in white T-shirts, most of them carrying offensive weapons, assembled at the Yuen Long MTR station and carried out indiscriminate attacks on innocent passengers and journalists. Amid the mayhem, civilians, regardless of their age and gender, desperately tried to escape the barrage of fists and canes. Some of them were mobbed and beaten up, faces covered in blood, while some others were rendered unconscious. Their pleas for help, however, fell on deaf ears. Two uniformed police officers appeared at the scene only to leave immediately after. Emergency calls made to the “999” emergency hotline by thousands of citizens to report the incident went unanswered. At one point, the Yuen Long police station even pulled down its shutters to block concerned citizens from seeking help. The police eventually showed up, but by then all attackers already left the scene.

The Yuen Long Terrorist Attack (July 21 Incident) spurred rumors of collusion between the Hong Kong Police Force (“HKPF”) and local triad gangs. On the same day, the Chief Executive (“CE”) Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor and several high-ranking government officials held a press conference condemning the vandalization of the national emblem on the building of the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in Hong Kong. The personal safety and security of Hong Kong citizens were the least of their concerns, and they paid scant attention to the legal responsibilities and abuse of power of the HKPF. None of the questions raised by the press was directly addressed. Daily press conferences held by the HKPF evaded questions from the media regarding such issues, which further fuelled anger among citizens.

Editor's Foreword (Continued)

In the past, Hong Kong used to be seen as the world's premier financial hub. Its success was due in no small part to its well-established legal system independent from mainland China and various civil liberties enjoyed by the region, including the freedom of speech and freedom of the press. To those who are familiar with Hong Kong, the scene at Yuen Long MTR station would seem astoundingly surreal and beyond belief. When we first started working on this report in early July, we merely intended to make an objective analysis of the law enforcement situation by the HKPF and the regulatory framework in place. No one could have anticipated that the situation would deteriorate so rapidly: the July 21 Incident, the August 31 Incident, undercover police participating in the protests in order to arrest protesters and first-aiders, reports of torture of detainees at the San Uk Ling Holding Center (accused of being a “concentration camp” where extrajudicial punishments were carried out) and visits from lawyers and Justices of the Peace were denied. We are gravely concerned not only about the abuses of power by the HKPF that run contrary to the expectations of the Hong Kong people, but also whether the existing checks and balances are sufficient to regulate the behavior of the HKPF, and whether the Department of Justice is conducting prosecutions in a fair and unbiased manner. Clearly, the core of the problem is not merely misconduct of individual HKPF officers, but rather the unprecedented governance crisis caused by the erosion of the rule of law.

Even after countless rallies and conflicts, the government reluctantly withdrew the extradition bill, but remained deaf to all the other demands of the Hong Kong people. Calls for an independent inquiry into the HKPF were repeatedly ignored or denied. In response to this, we started this effort to gather publicly available information on suspected police abuses, explain the existing law on policing and how they are suspected to be violated, and the current supervisory framework. Although we lack the legal power to summon witnesses, we tried to base everything in this report on objective evidence. We hope our conclusions would be indisputable to a reasonable reader. In the end, we do not know how much impact this report could bring, but we hope every bit of effort would be of assistance to Hong Kong.

23 July 2019
(Amended in September to reflect current status)

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